Jabal Amil’s Influence on Lebanese Modern Politics: Identity Shaping and Sociopolitical Dynamics

Introduction

Historically described as a mountainous area consisting mainly of valleys and plateaus, Jabal Amil is a region in South of Lebanon. It owes its name to a Yemenite tribe called the Amila tribe, whose people migrated from Yemen due to economic reasons. Twelver Shiism has long been associated with Jabal Amil, which has an abundant history that begins with the early Islamic period, through the Ottoman era and French mandate until our present day. This historical evolution has played a pivotal role in the sociopolitical landscape of Jabal Amil, thus becoming a hub for Shiite learning and political activism. This region witnessed a history of political and military activism that characterized it, since the Shia community living there has always suffered oppression and marginalization and had to fight back each time the opportunity presented itself. Moreover, it became a fortress of support for the Palestinian revolutionaries who were then fighting the Israeli occupation forces. When Israel occupied South of Lebanon, there was a group of Shia men who were fighting the Israeli occupation, joined by leaders from Amal movement. They formed later on a resistance movement by the name of Hizbullah. This marked the beginning of a new chapter in the history of struggle and resistance, which persists to this present day.

This paper explores the formation of the sectarian identity and political mobilization in Jabal Amil, analyzing the long historical path of this region and its continuous evolvement and how they both contributed in shaping modern Lebanese politics. The research question is: How did the historical evolution of Jabal Amil contribute in shaping the Shia community by validating their presence as a sect and political entity, along with the effects of such event on the contemporary Lebanese politics.

 

 

Literature Review

There is no doubt that the region of Jabal Amil holds a significant amount of literature that tackles its importance on the historical and sociopolitical landscapes of Lebanon. The development of the Shia community in Lebanon was extensively studied in the region. However, there is still a lack in research concerning the dynamics between sectarian identity and political mobilization, particularly in relation to the evolution of contemporary Lebanese politics.

The early scholarship on Jabal Amil argues that Shiism was present in the region long before the establishment of the Ottoman empire. Indeed, according to Salibi (1991), the Shia were present in Lebanon long before the Ottoman empire was created, except in some regions in the north, which were under the Maronites control. Albert Hourani (1986) agrees with Salibi, saying that “Shiism was already widespread in Bilad al-Sham as a whole by the tenth century.” As for Jabal Amil, Hourani wrote that the Shia community there was, according to Shia scholars, the oldest community. It has been asserted that Abu Dharr was the pioneer of Shiism in that area. Sayyed Hassan al Amin’s findings contest those of Hourani. Indeed, in his book entitled “Jabal Amil: The Sword and the Pen”, al Amin added that these accounts lack credible historical evidence to support them, but he stressed that notwithstanding what has been said, the fact that “the 4th century of the Hijri calendar saw a notable expansion of Shiism in Iraq, Iran, Bilad al –Sham, North Africa and Egypt” cannot be disputed (2003). However, scholars like Rula Abi Saab challenged the notion regarding the origins of the Amilis (people of Jabal Amil). In fact, in her paper entitled “Shiite Beginnings and Scholastic Tradition in Jabal Amil in Lebanon”, Rula Abisaab, argued that the Amilis were of Persian origins. She supported that fact by citing the works of many researchers, among whom the 19th century Syrian Lebanese historian Tannous al-Shidyaq, who claimed that there was an early Persian presence in Jabal Amil.

The theme related to the status of the Shia during the Ottoman Empire (1299 – 1922) was subject to many interpretations. Scholars like Saadoun Hamadeh (2008) argued that the Shia were persecuted and repressed by the Ottomans, stressing on the fact that this persecution occurred on the basis of their religious affiliation and doctrine only. In contrast, Stefan Winter wrote that the Ottomans oppression and abuse of the Shia was exaggerated, emphasizing the fact that the Ottomans were only concerned about the tax collection and not religion persecution.

In a brief introduction regarding the Safavid dynasty, it is important to state that it was founded by in the first years of the 16^th century. It ruled over modern-day Iran and established Twelver Shiism as the state religion of Iran.

Regarding the migration of Amili Shiite scholars to Safavid Iran in the 16^th and 17^th century, it has played an important role in shaping the religious identity of Safavid Iran and in the re-education of Iran’s populace at that time. Scholar Andrew Newman (1993) downplayed the importance of the migration of Amili theologians to Safavid Iran and claimed that they were not oppressed by the Ottoman regime which could have drove them to leave for Safavid Iran. Moreover, Newman asserted that the Arab Twelver theologians living in the regions under the Ottoman (Sunnite) rule were not subject to any pressure, and were not oppressed by the regime, which could have pushed them to head towards Safavid Persia. Rula Jurdi Abisaab challenged his perspective by attributing the migration to religious persecution, saying that the Ulama of Jabal Amil in particular were persecuted and oppressed. In parallel, Newman highlights the role played by Safavid Iran in establishing an intellectual and religious network which transcended Iran and influenced other regions.

Jabal Amil has long been an important source of prominent national and religious leaders who were the driving force behind the Shiite mobilization in Lebanon. Let us take for example Nassif al-Nassar who was the symbol of heroism because he fought the Ottomans and strengthen local authority. There is also the example of the prominent religious figure Sayyed Musa al-Sadr who led to the rise of the Shia and championed social justice and called for the institutional representation of the Shia community in Lebanon. The Lebanese scholar Rami Siklawi highlighted Al-Sadr’s progressive mind and how he mobilized the Shia community through establishing organizations and religious institutions.

The French mandate over Lebanon came to promote further sectarian divisions through the colonial policies they adopted, and which encouraged institutionalization of religious representation in governance. Rula and Malek Abisaab (2014) argued that the Shia were marginalized and that the French didn’t include the South in their plans to provide economic or education development. This wasn’t within the priorities of the French. However, Mustapha Fahs wrote that it was in 1920 that the Shia community started regaining its rights, and thus participating effectively in the state’s affairs, experiencing tangibly the notion of power. Scholars studying the lasting consequences of colonial policies on Lebanon’s sectarian composition find this era to be of paramount importance.

Jabal Amil history and political evolution has been discussed thoroughly. However, there is still a gap in research related to how different factors such as sectarian identity, external influences and local decision-making interacted and shaped Jabal Amil’s history. Additional studies are required to examine how historical narratives have been used in modern political debates in order to justify the political agenda of certain groups. Needless to say, the study of the role of economy in influencing sectarian and political alliances or conflicts in Jabal Amil, a theme that needs to be studied. In filling these research gaps, we would have a better and clear understanding of the Jabal Amil on the social, political and economic levels, thus covering all fields.

Methodology

This research adopts an interdisciplinary methodology that integrates historical analysis with qualitative techniques to examine the progression of sectarian identity and political mobilization in Jabal Amil. The study scrutinizes primary sources such as historical documents, archival materials, and contemporary narratives to chart the development of these identities and mobilizations. It also incorporates secondary literature from historians and political scientists to compare different historical epochs, shedding light on the social and political changes that have occurred. Through this analytical lens, the paper facilitates a critical assessment of divergent narratives, uncovering the connections between historical and political occurrences that have shaped contemporary Lebanese politics.

Historical Background of Jabal Amil

The Shia were distributed in three administrative units: Mount Lebanon affiliated to the district of Tripoli, Jabal Amil under the administration of Sidon and Baalbeck and the Bekaa under the administration of Damascus. Whenever there was a conflict or crisis, the Shia in these three administrative units showed unity and support (Hamadeh, 2008). Here, we will focus on Jabal Amil as it constituted the hub of Twelver Shiism.

Discussing Jabal Amil and its tradition of Shia scholarship, Hourani (1986) pointed out that historical records concerning schools and scholars before the 12th century were scarce. However, after that period, documentation became more available, indicating that the tradition of learning was passed down through generations within scholarly families.

With the rise of the Safavid Empire and its adoption of Shiism as the state religion, there was an increasing demand for teachers, scholars, and jurists to establish religious doctrine and legal frameworks. Due to the shortage of such figures in Persia, the Safavid rulers turned to scholars from “Arabic-speaking countries,” particularly from Jabal Amil, to support and guide the religious transformation in Persia. In her paper entitled “Shiite Beginnings and Scholastic Tradition in Jabal Amil in Lebanon”, Professor of Islamic history Rula Abisaab, wrote that the Amilis (people of Jabal Amil) were of Persian origins. She supported that fact by citing the works of many researchers, among whom the 19th century Syrian Lebanese historian Tannous al-Shidyaq, who claimed that there was an early Persian presence in Jabal Amil. In the same context, Abisaab contested that claim by relying on the works of prominent 20th century Amili scholars such as Muhsin al-Amin, who maintained that the early population of Jabal Amil came from a reputed Yemenite tribe, thus linking the origins of the Amilis to Arab roots.

A scholarly debate emerged regarding the migration of Amili scholars and their families to Safavid Persia. As previously mentioned, Hourani argued that Safavid Persia sought the expertise of Amili theologians. However, Andrew Newman (1993), Professor of Islamic Studies, downplayed the significance of this migration in his book The Myth of the Clerical Migration to Safavid Iran, to the extent of denying its impact. He contended that the Shia scholars of Jabal Amil opposed the form of Shiism adopted in Safavid Iran. Furthermore, Newman argued that Arab Twelver theologians residing in Ottoman-controlled (Sunnite) regions did not face persecution or pressure that would have compelled them to seek refuge in Safavid Persia.

Rula Jurdi Abisaab challenged Newman’s perspective in her article “The Ulama of Jabal ‘Amil in Safavid Iran, 1501–1736: Marginality, Migration and Social Change.” She characterized the migration as “class-based,” driven by the marginalization and repression of Amili theologians and jurists—first under the Mamluks and later under the Ottomans. Abisaab emphasized that this repression specifically targeted the Ulama* of Jabal Amil rather than the broader Shia population of the region. Further supporting the arguments of Hourani and Abisaab, Lebanese author Joseph Elie Alagha (2006) stated in his book The Shifts in Hizbullah’s Ideology that, due to persecution by the Ottomans, the Ulama of Jabal Amil sought refuge in Iran, where they disseminated their knowledge through their writings. In this context, Alagha also referenced “intermarriage and a mutual wave of migrations.”

The Ottoman empire was dismantled after World War I. In 1920, France was given mandate to rule over Grand Liban and Syria, with the South becoming part of Grand Liban. The reaction of the southerners wasn’t as the French expected. Much to their surprise, the Shia in the south opposed the annexation of the South to Grand Liban and called for the unity with Syria. This request to join Syria continued throughout the 1930s. In fact, the French faced resistance, mainly instigated by “religious intellectuals” who demonstrated their opposition through “cultural hubs and intellectual associations.” (Abisaab, Rula; Abisaab, Malek, 2014). It is noted that there was a perception towards the Shia of the South that denoted some kind of social disdain. They were looked upon and considered inferior on the cultural level due to their way of living. Rula and Malek Abisaab (2014) both associate professors at McGill University, wrote that the French didn’t include the South in their plans to provide economic or education development. This wasn’t within the priorities of the French.

However, Lebanese writer and political analyst Moustapha Fahs (2024) argued in his article entitled “The Shiite community and Grand Liban”, that it was in 1920 that the Shia community started regaining its rights, and thus participating effectively in the state’s affairs, experiencing tangibly the notion of power. He added that the prominent Shia figures were favorable for the establishment of Grand Liban, as an opportunity to compensate for the years of oppression and abuse during the Mamluks and the Ottomans, and even before these periods, where their rights were usurped.

The proclamation of Independent Lebanon in 1943 and the National Pact established in 1943 as a power-sharing arrangement between Christians and Muslims in Lebanon with the Maronites and Sunnis taking advantage the most from this agreement, did not alleviate the discrimination and the exclusion of the Shia. This situation remained the same until the arrival of Sayyid Musa al-Sadr, promoting “Islamic modernity”, thus empowering the Shia with his discourses in the late 1960s.

The Taef agreement signed in 1989, and which ended the Lebanese civil war, constituted a major change for the Lebanese Shia community. Indeed, the Shia representation in the Parliament increased, thus increasing their participation in the Lebanese political arena. (Mona Alami, 2018).

Identity Shaping and Sociopolitical structures

The Shiite identity of Jabal Amil has greatly influenced local governance and social structures. Indeed, as Rula Abisaab wrote in her article entitled “Shiite Beginnings and Scholastic Tradition in Jabal-Amil in Lebanon”, a strong scholastic tradition was established across the region. Prominent scholars contributed to Islamic jurisprudence, which led ultimately to the establishment of religious schools (madrasas), becoming centers for learning and acquiring knowledge. Abisaab wrote “During the early fifteenth century, local religious schools (madrasas) sprang up in a number of Amili villages.” This not only reinforced the spread of Shiite teachings but also led to the emergence of a local social hierarchy characterized by ulamas gaining power within the community. In chapter five of his book entitled The Shiites of Lebanon under Ottoman Rule, 1516-1788, Winter argued that the Shia experienced during that period a certain autonomy. The Shiite leaders were able to manage their affairs within the Ottoman rule, but with a certain degree of autonomy. This autonomy contributed in preserving the identity of the Shia and preserving their religious and social practices, thus consolidating their presence as Shia in the region.

The establishment of the Jaafari court in 1926 during the French Mandate (1920-1943) brought significant changes into Lebanon’s sectarian system. Indeed, in a review by Ziad Abu-Rish (2012) of Max Weiss’s book entitled “In the Shadow of Sectarianism: Law, Shi’ism, and the Making of Modern Lebanon”, the Shia were recognized as an official sect in 1926 when the Jaafari Shia court was legally acknowledged, or what we call the Jaafari madhhab (a prominent school of jurisprudence or fiqh within Twelver Shia). In fact, Jaafari madhhab was not officially recognized in Lebanon prior to 1926. So, the Shia in general and those living in Jabal Amil were forced to seek legal advice in three ways: first, in authorized Hanafi courts, since the Hanafi school of Sunni Islam was the legal dominant authority, second in private places where Shia scholars provided legal and informal guidance and adjudication and third, in fatwas, which are religious rulings provided by Shii (here because the main theme is Shia) recognized authorities. This development strengthened the Shiite population’s position because they were officially recognized as a community, but reinforced sectarian divisions within the Lebanese society.

One of the pioneers of political mobilization within the Shia community was the national leader Nassif al-Nassar. According to Saad Aziz Karim Al-Hamidawi (2022), who wrote an extensive paper on him, he was regarded as one of the bravest and most formidable Lebanese Shiite figures who resisted oppression during Ottoman rule. Nassif al-Nassar fought for Jabal Amil’s independence when it was twice attacked by the troops of Mustapha Pasha, the wali* of Sidon, in 1753 and 1759. On both occasions, his forces successfully defeated Mustapha Pasha’s army. He took part in numerous battles against the Ottomans, who sought to subjugate Jabal Amil, and consistently emerged victorious, preserving the region’s identity until his assassination, as previously mentioned, in the Battle of Yarun*. Following his death, the Amilis faced intensified oppression, enduring injustice and insecurity under Ottoman rule. Another prominent religious figure played an important role, if not the most important role in mobilizing the Shia community after years of apathy and social and political decline: Sayyed Musa al-Sadr. Born in Qom, Iran, in 1928, Sayyed Musa al-Sadr comes from a line of clerics, as his father Sayyed Sadreddine al Sadr, was a religious marja’* and an important religious figure. The roots of the Sadr family go back to Lebanon’s southern Jabal Amil region. In his paper entitled “The Social and Political Identities of the Shi’i Community in Lebanon”, Rami Siklawi (2014), an independent Lebanese scholar, argued that Imam Musa al-Sadr, with his progressive mind and thoughts challenged the Shi’i traditional leadership that was represented at that by feudal families who controlled the region and the Shi’i community. Citing the example of Al Assaad family, which was a prominent Arab feudal family that ruled south of Lebanon. This family opposed the presence of Sayyed Musa al-Sadr, traditional versus liberal/progressive. Sayyed Musa al-Sadr revived and established many Shia organizations. He revived the “local benevolent society” (Jamiyat al-Bir wa al-Ihsan) in Tyre founded by Sayyid Abed al-Hussein Sharafeddine, his relative. Moreover, Musa al-Sadr aimed to support the underprivileged by establishing several social organizations and youth clubs, thereby providing them with stability that will encourage them to remain in their respective villages and towns and refrain from migrating to the capital. He sought to introduce social and political reforms. Therefore, he created the Supreme Islamic Shi’i Council in 1967 in order to promote Shia interests. Sayyed Musa al-Sadr’s activities were the driving force behind the emergence of political Shiism. The Shia witnessed development, which led to more institutions, the most important was the establishment of the Movement of the Deprived (Harakat al-Mahrumin) in 1974 and Amal Movement in 1975. The goal of creating the Movement of the Deprived was to press for better economic and social conditions for the Shia and to end the zuama influence over the region.

Analysis

The Shiite community in Jabal Amil, with its roots tracing back to the early Islamic period, has experienced significant transformations across different historical epochs. From the autonomy enjoyed during the Ottoman Empire to the changes brought about by the French mandate, this evolution has not only preserved a distinct sectarian identity but has also set the stage for future political activism.

The region is characterized by a rich tradition of Shiite scholarship that has played a dual role. It has provided intellectual validation through the establishment of madrasas and religious networks, while also encouraging the migration of scholars, particularly to Safavid Iran, thereby shaping the wider Shiite discourse. The establishment of institutions such as the Ja‘fari court has further enhanced the legal and social status of the Shia community, reinforcing sectarian distinctions within Lebanon’s governance framework.

The rise of influential figures such as Nassif al-Nassar and Sayyed Musa al-Sadr exemplifies the intricate relationship between resistance and institutional reform. Their leadership not only mobilized the community against external oppression but also initiated the creation of political organizations that continue to play a crucial role in Lebanese politics today. Their contributions signified a shift from traditional feudal influences towards a more contemporary, politically engaged sectarian identity.

External challenges—from Ottoman repression to French colonial policies—interacted with internal elements like migration, intermarriage, and the transformation of local power dynamics. This multifaceted interaction cultivated both resilience and adaptability within the Shiite community, allowing it to emerge as a prominent political and social force in present-day Lebanon.

Conclusion

This paper explores the origins of the Shia and Shiism in the region of Jabal Amil, from the early Islamic period, through the Ottomans and French rulings. It highlights how the fostering of the Shia’s religious identity played a significant role in their ascendency on the political level. What also enhanced their religious identity was the maintenance of a robust tradition of Shiite scholarship fostered by the establishment of madrasas and the migration of Shiite scholars, mainly to Safavid Iran which deepened the roots of Shiism on the regional level. The creation of the Jaafari court in 1926 not only reinforced Shiite presence in the region, but also institutionalized sectarian distinctions, which influenced local governance structures and still do until the present day. Nassif al-Nassar and Sayyed Musa al-Sadr emerged as influential leaders who mobilized the Shiite community, one by fighting oppression and the other by fighting feudalism and encouraging modern political engagement. Their efforts contributed in the establishment of political organizations and institutions that shaped contemporary Lebanese politics. This research apaer demonstrates how the grievances suffered by the Shia during the Ottoman period, the marginalization encouraged by the French colonial policies interacted with internal dynamics such as migration of Shiite local scholars and local power shifts, enhanced Shiite resilience instead of having a negative impact on the Shiite community.

The interdisciplinary approach adopted in this research paper provides different views regarding the evolution of the sociopolitical landscape in Jabal Amil. The historical narratives about the formation of sectarian identity used in the research paper along with accounts on political mobilization reveal their long-lasting effects on contemporary Lebanese politics. It also sheds light on the importance of religion as a catalyst for mobilization, and on the capacity of individuals who can bring change within a community. As for new areas for further research, an analysis of the economic factors in Jabal Amil and how they contributed in forming sectarian alliances or on the contrary fomented conflicts is needed. Moreover, a study about how historical narratives are employed today in contemporary debates in order to justify the political agendas of different sectarian groups.

 

* Scholars of the religion of Islam.

* The governor of a province in an Arab country.

* Yarun is a municipality located in the Caza of Bint Jbeil in the Nabatieh Governorate in Lebanon.

* Marja’ is a title given to the highest level of Twelver Shia religious cleric.